Features

For six years, Bong County sat closer to the center of power than it ever had before. A daughter of Gbarnga served as Vice President of Liberia. A son of the county held the Deputy Speakership. In that rare alignment, the heartland was no longer asking to be remembered, it was being consulted. Roads were paved, classrooms opened, hospitals were equipped, and young people saw their names on government payrolls. It was a period when political arrangement translated into tangible projects across Gbarnga, Fuamah, Salala and beyond. Yet as the country turned toward a new administration, former Vice President Jewel Howard-Taylor is asking a harder question: did Bong protect that moment, or did partisan politics trade it away?

When George Weah took office in January 2018, Liberia expected more than politics as usual. A former world footballer turned president, he promised a "Pro-Poor" government focused on roads, education, and jobs. Six years later, his record is debated in markets, campuses, and on radio. Critics point to unmet goals. Supporters point to pavement. From the ELWA-RIA highway to tuition-free college, from keeping the peace through COVID to expanding electricity, the Weah administration left visible marks. This analysis makes the case for those achievements — not as perfection, but as a foundation. Because for many Liberians, progress is measured by what you can finally see, touch, and use.

President Boakai’s suspension of LDEA boss Fitzgerald Biago and nomination of Gen. Daniel Ziankahn was meant to show tough action on drugs. But with $336 million in cocaine seized in one month at RIA and Duazon, many Liberians are skeptical. To them, it looks like another cycle: big bust, reshuffle, then silence. Citizens now say enough is enough. They are demanding real answers, not just press releases, and have issued 4 questions the government must answer publicly before this case vanishes “like night smoke.”

President Joseph Boakai sold Liberians a “Rescue Mission” anchored on education and health. On Friday, his administration announced a nationwide expansion of the Presidential Scholarship Program to public high schools, TVETs, universities and community colleges in all 15 counties. The pitch is familiar: merit, opportunity, and a lighter burden for families. But the announcement lands as the rescue promise frays elsewhere. At JFK Hospital, maternal fees have climbed past $200 and full deposits are now demanded before surgery. Health workers protest unpaid adjustments. Drug shelves sit empty. With only $200,000 budgeted annually and no new funding named, critics ask how the same money will now stretch across twice as many schools and students. For many Liberians, the scholarship sounds good on paper. The hospital bill at the door tells a different story

President Joseph Boakai came to power promising a "Rescue Mission" for Liberia, with healthcare at the heart of it. Two years on, that promise is colliding with a painful reality. At JFK Hospital, maternal fees have jumped and full deposits are now demanded before surgery. Health workers protest unpaid adjustments while medicines vanish from shelves. A $124 million US health deal meant to give Liberia control is instead raising fears of less funding and weaker oversight. From market women to doctors and civil society, the criticism is growing. For many Liberians, the rescue they voted for now feels like another bill they cannot afford to pay.

Eight years after the 2022 election and 16 years after the 2010 Constitution, Kenya is mid-way through its most ambitious reform era yet. From devolution and UHC to digital taxation and education overhaul, the state has tried to reset governance, the economy and social services. Some reforms have delivered visible infrastructure and services. Others have stalled under debt, poor implementation and public fatigue. As we enter 2026, with elections in 2027 looming, Kenyans are asking: what has actually changed, what is failing, and what comes next? This feature examines benefits, implementation, shortcomings and criticisms across key sectors, and what to expect through 2030.

With less than 5% of its land arable and a population growing by 2 million a year, Egypt is betting big on farming. In FY2025/26 the state has committed EGP 144.8 billion to agriculture and irrigation — EGP 17.5 billion public and EGP 127.4 billion targeted from private investors. The plan centers on desert reclamation, drip irrigation, higher yields, and a $5 billion export push. For the 18% of Egyptians who work the land, the question is simple: will these budgets and mega-projects lower food prices and raise incomes, or will they widen the gap between Nile villages and New Delta farms?